Lenin could have defeated Hitler

SOCIALIST RELEASE

News for German Socialists in England

This newsletter is published for the information of Social Democratic
refugees from Germany who are opposing dictatorship of any kind.

No. 44 - 1942

the beginning of December

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Meeting of German Social Democrats in England

On November 7th and 8th, numerous German Social Democrats from London and from different parts of the British Isles gathered for a weekend conference in the home of the Austrian Socialists in London, in the Austrian Labor Club House.

It was the first such meeting of the Social Democrats living in England.

The good attendance at the conference, which was associated with considerable sacrifices and inconvenience, especially for those comrades who had come from abroad, demonstrated the great interest of the comrades in such a joint debate on political problems. Some of the people living abroad had expressed their interest and solidarity by sending them letters and telegrams of welcome. The event was a great success.

Our limited space forbids us to report in detail about the events. However, since various participants in the conference, and especially comrades who were unable to come to London for time or for other technical reasons, urgently wanted a more detailed report, especially on the main presentations, we will be giving these presentations here in great detail reproduce.

The conference was closed on Saturday, November 7th, in the afternoon, by a report from the shop steward of the German Social Democrats in England, the comrade Wilhelm Sander, initiated about the German emigration in England and in other European and non-European countries.

The speaker gave extensive material

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an overview of the numerical extent of social democratic emigration, their social situation, their employment in the war industry or in other institutions and formations of the war effort, their organizational and political activity in England, and he supplemented this picture with a brief overview of the extent and activity of the social democratic emigration in other European countries and overseas.

After this report spoke

Hans Vogel, the chairman of the Social Democratic Party of Germany,
about the

theme "The socialist movement during the war and after the war".

In his speech, which was received with great applause, Comrade Hans Vogel essentially developed the following lines of thought:

There can be no longer any doubt about the defeat of Hitler and the smashing of the Nazi regime. The only question is how long the war will last.

The German war potential is much stronger today than at the end of the previous war, but in the meantime the Allies have overtaken the armaments advantage of the Axis, if not already surpassed it.

The Allied Situation will continue to improve if the Russians manage to retain large German troop contingents on the Russian front. The end of the war can only be expected when the axis in Central and Western Europe has been decisively defeated.

About the heroism of the Russian people and the Red Army, we are all full of admiration, but we also do not forget the tremendous contribution that England has already made in this war.

England and America will also be the determining factors both in victoriously ending the war and in building the peace. America, above all, will take care of the bled and destroyed Europe, including Russia. England and America, along with some allied countries, have the necessary shipping space to bring the most urgent supplies of raw materials and food to their destinations.

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In creating peace this fact alone will secure a decisive position for these countries.

Hans Vogel then turned to the question,
what tasks arise after the war become. Internationally, he sees the most urgent task in converting war production, which is running at the highest speed, to peace production.

Will the world be able to cope with it if it is again only divided into spheres of influence or into a system of alliances, which are again based on more or less military or power-political intentions and which from the beginning carry the germ of new wars?

An all-encompassing economic organization will be necessary, and beyond that there will be tasks to be solved that can perhaps be better solved by regional federations.

This speaks for such a world planning the entire food and raw material industry, because only this can counteract the famine, the social chaos and the problems of switching from war to peace production. With the end of the war, such a settlement will inevitably have to come about, but from this plan, born out of the need of the moment, a firm, permanent organization that spans the entire globe must be shaped.

Hans Vogel points out in detail that Europe does not have enough bread grain and animal feed, wool and skin, cotton and rubber, copper and tin and other metals and that coal is not enough either if it is to be used as a raw material for synthetic products.

The new organization must also take precautions so that there is no overdimensioned one again Steel industryregardless of who ruled it, may develop as the driving force of a future war party.

The electricity supply has already blown and jumped over all country borders.

Supranational, sovereign organizations for the post office, the railways, air traffic, inland shipping, the fuel and electricity industries would not only reverse their aggressive tendencies, but would also offer great positive advantages for future intra-European development.

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To the establishment of a European labor and migration office one should also think that this should be responsible for the resettlement and settlement issues, for the unemployment problem and for the problem of rural exodus, which is so important in Central Europe.

Generally speaking, it is now a matter of eliminating one of the key errors of the last two hundred years, namely the identification [!] Of economic and political boundaries.

Borders should no longer be allowed to divide to be between peoples, regardless of whether they are old or new borders.

Hans Vogel then turned to the question of what tasks the international socialist movement for the time after the war.
Little can be said about this at the moment. The underground movements in the different countries of Europe and large parts of the socialist emigration are mainly oriented towards national goals and only very rarely do we hear about them socialist planning and redesign.

Even the Economist came to this conclusion in an article from August 15, 1942. The article points out that it was not the unknown revolution that rose from the bottom of the social pyramid in the various underground movements in Europe. Today the call for revolt comes from the recognized political elite of pre-war Europe with the aim of using a more revolutionary method for moderate political ends. Therein lies the danger of a relapse into an unhealthy and dangerous nationalism all over Europe.

In the age of tanks and bombers, however, national isolation has by no means also established national security. Post-war economic necessities will by themselves remove outmoded notions, and common sufferings and troubles will lead to a unification of suffering nations. - With regard to these views of the "Economist", Hans Vogel remarks that it is only natural if socialists also stand up for the freedom of their own people and demand safeguards so that this freedom is not taken away from them by an aggressive Germany.

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Political freedom can only be secured in a politically and economically well-ordered state system from which the German people, who are endowed with the same duties and rights, cannot be eliminated in the long term. that Germany determined Guarantees and safeguards It goes without saying that hatred alone is still a poor educational tool for democracy.

Fortunately, this realization is not only expressed in the statements of responsible statesmen of the Allies. It is above all the conviction of the organized workers in the various countries. I will just refer to two recent examples.

The London unions have issued a resolution expressing their willingness to work together with the Allied and German workers on the basis of equal rights for the construction of a socialist Europe.

The French illegal socialists have rejected revenge measures against the German people in a manifesto that the illegal "Populaire" published on June 15 this year and called for Germany to be integrated - if necessary with coercion - into a system of real peace and general disarmament.

To be sure, these declarations are also countered by those of a less pleasant nature by individuals from the most varied of camps, but they cannot cause us to give up our belief in socialism and international cooperation.

It is said again and again that the entire German people should be equated with Hitler. Again and again there is talk of the bad morals of the German people and of their passivity in the fight against Hitler and his regime.

Can you really do this passivity just reproach the German workers or do not work workers too another Countries for Hitler's war machine? We watch out for frivolous condemnations of one or the other, because we know the power of the Hitler dictatorship. For the workers in the countries outside Germany, the hour of active resistance has not come any more than for the workers in Berlin, Hamburg and the other German industrial districts.

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If, however, certain propagandists announce half a century of concentration camps to the German people, then this only has to trigger fear and dread of the future in the German people. One should not be surprised if it comes to the conviction that it is no longer fighting for Hitler, but for its own existence, so that this fear is finally converted into resistance. This type of propaganda must be paid for with the blood of all the peoples involved in the war, and its military and political consequences are unpredictable. The Nazis know very well how to capitalize on this propaganda, as the last speeches of Hitler Goering and Goebbels showed very clearly.[1] The German people can be separated from their compulsory bailiff Hitler all the more easily if the Allied policy separates them from them even more clearly than before.

Hans Vogel then treated the
Prospects and possibilities for success of international socialism after this war.

Two unknown factors play an important role in this, the influence that the American labor movement will play on the politics and economy of the western hemisphere, and the role that Russia and the Comintern intend to play in the future.

By European standards, the American workers' political movement is of minor importance and the union movement is still split into two camps. America is also the classic country of rejection of all forms of communism, and so is the attitude of large sections of the working class.

A far-reaching democratization of Russia would be desirable in itself America and Russia cooperation, as well as serving the American and Russian workers.

Russia's prestige will have increased a lot after the war as a result of its military achievements, so that it could very well do without the Comintern as an additional instrument of its foreign policy. But will Russia be ready for it? In general, victorious wars do not weaken existing systems, but strengthen them.

One must therefore expect that Russia, the Comin-

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tern and its affiliated parties, despite all the current lip service for democracy, cling to their old principles and practice. But that also affects them to the highest degree Position of the German Social Democrats on the Communists.

If the German communists hold on to their old views and methods, an understanding with them is only possible if the future German labor movement, whatever it may be called, renounces any independent position and adheres to the instructions and the command of Russia and the Subjugated Communist International.

Our position on this question cannot be different from that which is expressed in the Manifesto of the French Socialists, already mentioned. In this manifesto the hope is expressed that in the future Soviet Russia will become a sincere member of the international community of democratic peoples who have regained their independence, and that with it the relations of the various sections of the Communist International with the other workers' parties will improve. The French friends are convinced that "a democratic and socially healthy policy will be impossible with us (in France) as long as an independent French communist party does not bring the Soviet Union to this, in the interest of the European working class and above all in the interest of the Russian and French workers to become part of a united international community. "

Hans Vogel rejects any kind of dictatorship, primarily because of its barbarism and cruelty. It is a sin on people.

It must be our special task to give back to the German people after this ten-year Nazi dictatorship the living awareness and the ever present reverence for the great and eternal spiritual values ​​of the world. In the long run, only justice can exist, even in the sphere of politics. Hans Vogel concluded that his statements, viewed as a whole, give no cause for particular joy, just as little for sadness, faint-heartedness and despondency. We are just not allowed to give up on ourselves and

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don't lose faith in the movement and ourselves. Without sticking dogmatically to every letter and every fact of tradition, we have to be open to all demands and necessities. More than ever it is true for today: Whoever is inconsistent in unsteady times increases the evil, but whoever persists firmly in his mind, shapes the world.

The revolution celebration in the evening

united the participants of the weekend meeting with a large number of comrades living in London and with numerous international guests. The hall was overcrowded when Comrade Wilhelm Sander greeted those who had appeared and, above all, welcomed the international guests. Among those appearing were english, Czech, Sudeten German, Italian, Austrian and russian Enjoyed. In addition to our party comrades, comrades also took part SAP and des ISK who were also warmly welcomed by the chairman.

In the words of welcome, Comrade Wilh. Sander the victims of the German revolution, the men and women who fell in the struggle for the preservation of the Weimar Republic against National Socialism, the victims and fighters of the illegal movement under the Hitler regime, the freedom fighter in the occupied countries and celebrated in moving words the heroism of the thousands who today struggle and suffer in all countries of Europe under the tyranny of the Hitler dictatorship, regardless of nation or race, but united in the will to freedom.

With a reference to the peoples' struggle for freedom, which is taking place today in all parts of the world the Allied armies is led, the speaker had a special one Honoring the Soviet Union and the Red Army, which celebrates twenty-five years of the Soviet Union on the same day.

The assembled gathered in a rally, the text of which was transmitted to the Russian ambassador in London.

The full wording of this demonstration of sympathy and greeting to the peoples of the Soviet Union is:

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To the peoples of the Soviet Union

"We German Social Democrats in England, gathered in London on November 7th, 1942 for a commemoration of the German Revolution, address our greetings to the people of the Soviet Union on this day.

The Russian people commemorate the twenty-five years of existence of the Soviet Union in the toughest fight against the fascist invaders.

In the history of the great struggle of the allied nations and the oppressed peoples against fascist tyranny and foreign rule, the names Moscow, Leningrad, Sevastopol and Stalingrad will live on forever as shining examples of the determination and heroism of millions of Russian men and women.

We remember with awe the victims of this struggle, and we greet the millions of Russian men and women who fight and work on the front and behind the front for the victory over international fascism.As German social democrats and anti-fascists, we renew our pledge to help with all our might in the ranks of the allied nations and the oppressed peoples in the future until victory is achieved in the struggle for the liberation of the peoples from the tyranny of the Hitler dictatorship. "

The program of the Revolution Celebration

received a special stamp from the speeches of two outstanding representatives of the international socialist labor movement, the Secretary General of the British Labor Party, the comrade J. Middleton, and the former chairman of the Labor Socialist International, the comrade Louis de Brouckere. Both were greeted enthusiastically by the meeting, and their speeches met with enthusiastic approval.

Comrade J.S. Middleton

explained: "I have just come from a celebration [!] at the Russian Embassy. There the twenty-five years of existence of the Soviet Union was celebrated. Whatever we think politically about the foundations and methods of Bolshevism, today we congratulate Russia with the whole free world to the success of his revolution.

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The 1917 Russian Revolution also had unsuccessful precursors. I remember today how we got the news of the Russian Revolution in 1905. We had just gathered for one of the first Labor Party conferences.

At that time we were still numerically weak, but we decided to organize a collection to support the Russian revolutionaries. We raised only about a thousand pounds, a small sum compared to the huge sums that the British labor movement is raising today for the Russian Relief Fund. But for this amount we have a receipt in our archive, which is a historical document. It came from an unknown political refugee in Switzerland to an equally not very well known journalist in England. The receipt is from Lenin signed, and it was for MacDonald certainly.

Only a relatively short time later both men played a prominent role in their countries and in international politics, Lenin as the leader of the Soviet Union and MacDonald as Prime Minister of the first workers' government of the British Empire.

This example shows that unsuccessful revolutions also have their enduring importance, and it gives us the right to commemorate the German revolution of 1918 as well. As members of the Labor Party, we are socialists and internationalists, and today we also remember our German comrades who fought and lost a battle. With my presence at this celebration I would like to express the solidarity with the German comrades.

Today it has often become customary to view German social democracy only critically. I have never shared this point of view, and my opinion has not been changed by the war. I remember how many years ago Wilhelm Liebknecht declared in a meeting of the Labor Party in Bristol: 'There are two Germanys, just as there are two England.' At that time Liebknecht spoke for the other Germany, for the German working class.

Liebknecht's view was true then, and it is still true today. It is great now to equate all Germans with Hitler and to condemn an ​​entire nation with him.

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The belief that has united the socialists of all countries in an international community for a hundred years can neither be destroyed by a war nor by a Nazi dictatorship. I am convinced that there are still men and women in the ranks of the German soldiers and the German civilian population who think like us.

I think of the many thousands of men and women in German concentration camps and prisons, of their relatives, of the relatives of political prisoners to whom the Nazis brought the ashes of their imprisoned relatives, none of these people have certainly become Nazis. I am convinced that there are still two Germanys today and that our comrades in Germany are waiting for the moment and for the signal to take an active part in the struggle to overcome the Hitler dictatorship. "

Comrade Louis de Brouckere

continued: "The attempt at a German revolution in 1918, like the Russian revolution, was more than just a national event. It was significant for the whole world and of what you have built up in the revolution and in the republic some of it can be permanent.

As socialists we are members of a large family. But today it is no longer enough that we speak of the international brotherhood of socialists.

We have to be aware that we are comrades-in-arms in the tasks of the present and the future. We need people in all countries who are able to build a true and lasting peace. The first requirement for achieving this goal is that we recognize the difficulties we face in the struggle for that goal.

We have to make it clear to ourselves what it means that our peoples are waging war against each other and we have to try together to solve the problems that arise from this situation.

I know that many of you have resisted as bravely as the socialists in other countries. The German people are not fundamentally different from other peoples.

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The doctrine that equates the entire German people with Hitlerism is only the counterpart in [!] The racial theory of Hitlerism.

But it is a fact that Germany has repeatedly been the center and starting point of warlike aggression in the last century. This fact has historical causes and it is necessary that we clarify these causes and seek to eliminate them. That must be the task of your new revolution.

This German revolution is a necessity, because it would be ruinous if the Nazis were conquered only by the armed force of the Allies.

Nazism and nationalism can only really be destroyed in their roots by a revolution in Germany. This complete destruction of all old forces of reaction is also the prerequisite for a lasting success of a new German revolution. The contribution of the German socialists to the construction of a lasting and real peace in Europe is therefore to carry out the true German revolution.

Many security measures against German aggression in the future are being discussed today. We all want a real assurance of peace. However, it must be taken on the basis of European and international measures if it is to be effective. If one speaks today, for example, that the German economy must be placed under international control in the interests of security, I agree if this control is incorporated into an international control system for all states and for all matters of international importance are.

I am speaking to German comrades for the first time in a long time, and I am pleased that they have heard my critical remarks with so much understanding and camaraderie. "


The commemorative speech for the German revolution
stopped the comrade Erich Ollenhauer, who pointed above all to the task of the German Social Democrats to draw conclusions from the experiences of the revolution of 1918 and in the Weimar Republic for the policy of the German labor movement in the new Germany after the fall of Hitler.

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Comrade Erich Ollenhauer

essentially stated the following: "Our revolution celebration is both a retrospective and an outlook at the same time.

The November Revolution of 1918 was a great historical event. She brought that End of political sovereignty a small upper class over the German people. The German people undertook the first Attempt at democratic self-government, the German workers under the leadership of social democracy and the trade unions appeared for the first time as a co-determining factor on the political tribune. The Council of People's Representatives put into effect political and social principles that had been the content of a forty-year struggle: political democracy, freedom of assembly and freedom of the press, right of association, an eight-hour day.

The Weimar Republic tried to create a secure and lasting basis for the new democratic and social order. It has achieved success: the Weimar Republic developed socio-politically and culturally into one of the most advanced states in Europe.

As bloodless as the coup was itself, it was so difficult Struggle for existence and social expansion the republic. For fourteen years the Weimar Republic waged a life-and-death struggle under unfavorable foreign policy circumstances and against a constantly growing nationalist and social reaction in its own country. The casualty lists of the Second World War, which the German nationalists brought about under Hitler's leadership, do not begin in September 1939, but in 1919 and 1920, and at the top are the names of brave German republicans and socialists who lost their lives fighting the reaction . The claim that the German workers were defeated without a fight is a legend.

We lost the fight. German democracy fell as its strongest pillar, the German workforce, was the weakest as a result of the mass unemployment of the economic crisis.

She was subject to terror, violence, and betrayal, and she was the victim of her own mistakes and inadequacies.

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The disastrous international consequences of that defeat lie before us today with terrifying clarity. Today the whole world knows what German democracy and the free German labor movement have meant for freedom and peace in Europe. A free and peaceful Europe can only live with a strong German democracy and a strong and free German workers' movement in its midst. Our hope is that those responsible in Europe and the world will keep this knowledge in mind when they have to decide on the reorganization of Europe after the victory of the Allies.

But this realization primarily and primarily obliges German democracy and us German social democrats. We do not know today when the day of the new German revolution will come. Hitler is still powerful, and revolutions against strong and successful dictatorships exist only in the minds of certain propagandists. But we know that Hitler will lose this war, he will perish because of his own crimes. We are convinced that the German workforce is active
Share in the collapse of the dictatorship
will perform. A storm of hatred and retaliation will sweep away the bearers of this system, and in this overthrow all those who found the upheaval of 1918 too bloodless will get their money's worth. The history of the horror of this dictatorship will find its gruesome culmination in the horror of its downfall.

But retribution and atonement are only the prelude to revolution. The upheaval itself needs concrete political goals.

What do our friends in Germany who are waiting for November 9th and are working for him want?

What is the great secret longing of millions of people in Hitler's Germany?

It is the hot desire for the elementary human rights: personal freedom, legal security, social security and peace.

Basically it is those great old ideals that have always supported the progress of mankind, it is those moral demands that gave the modern labor movement its elementary strength.

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Hitler could not kill these ideas, he has filled them with new life against his will. You have gained a new, more revolutionary force.

And yet November 1918 will not repeat itself. Between 1918 and today lies a world of experience and knowledge for all of us. There is no going back to November 1918 and the Weimar Republic.

Today we know: it is important for the working class to fight for political power, but it is even more important to gain it claim and purposeful apply. The new German revolution must
secure political democracy
through drastic changes in the existing economic order. Hitler's backers in heavy industry and in large estates must overthrow with Hitler. The basis of their power, their economic possessions, must be taken from them.

Economic policy in the interests of the community
must be determined by the new state. The war economy must be replaced by the economy of peace and demand, which overcomes hunger and hardship and ensures that working people receive their fair share of the income from their labor.

In the political field, the new state must take the elementary Reinforce human rights. There is only one alternative to the totalitarian state, for socialists there is only one alternative to the disregard and damage to humanity, that is the recognition of the rights and freedom of personality. Respect for personal freedom, legal security and political participation must therefore be the foundations of the new political order. It will be the democracy of free people.

From the experiences and weaknesses of the past
but the new German democracy will have to draw the lessons in its practical politics. The new democracy will have to be a fighting democracy. Democratic rights, yes, but not for the enemies of democracy who only pursue the goal of using democracy to destroy democracy.

The new democracy not only has to be strong in defense, it also has to be strong in attack. We have to create a living democracy.

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This includes the Expansion of self-administration down to the lowest levels of the community.

This includes a new public education on the sole basis of democratic and social sentiments. The new democracy must create a closer connection between voters and elected, the citizen of the new democracy should not be able to choose lists, but political personalities.

The new democracy, which will face the great task of creating a new social order, needs stable and strong leadership.

The game of falling government on insignificant issues, which has contributed so much to undermining the image of parliamentarism, must not be repeated. A government that has parliamentary approval in principle for the implementation of its program must be given the chance to implement its program according to plan, while upholding the fundamental rights of every free parliament: the government's responsibility to parliament, the parliament's right to decide on all questions of principle and the right to scrutiny of parliament.

After all, the new German democracy must have a conduct clear, unambiguous foreign policy.
Of her own free will, as the result of her free will, she must base her foreign policy on the principle: War is not a means of her policy. The commitment to such a policy includes the clear and complete renunciation of the means of this policy. That means the radical and unconditional annihilation of militarism in all its forms and institutions.

The construction of the new supranational orderwhich, according to our conviction, results as a necessary and inevitable consequence of the experiences of the last twenty years, must begin in one's own house with the renunciation of sovereignty and national sovereignty. The new German democracy must show its will internally and externally with full voluntariness and with all determination that under no circumstances will it consider the use of military or other means of power as a means of its foreign policy.

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The ideas of international understanding and European cooperation we must move from the realm of propaganda and festive events into the realm of practical politics. Above all, these ideas must be made uncompromisingly the basis of public opinion formation and public education.

These ideas are born out of our socialist convictions. Just as we must and want to take the path from political democracy to socialist order in the economic and political area in the new republic, so we must also take the step towards integrating Germany into the new European order. After the terrible legacy that Hitler will leave the German people, this policy will be the only one that can bring the German people back into the European family as a respected and equal partner.

All of these tasks are tremendously difficult. They will have to be tackled under the most difficult domestic and foreign political conditions. They are tasks that will make the greatest demands on the constructive abilities of the socialists, tasks that can only be solved with practical and constructive ideas.

But against the gloomy background of the chaos that Hitler will leave behind and against the burden of the task to be solved stands the great opportunity of socialism. The old world is dead. The longing for a really new order in the life of peoples and the relationships between peoples extends far beyond the circles of working people.

Our ideas live in the free peoples, in the occupied countries and in Germany itself. Fascism wanted to turn people into slaves. In the tough school of dictatorship they have become politically mature. The way of life of the future appropriate to them will and can therefore only be social democracy.It must and will therefore be the goal of the new upheaval in Germany and Europe, the first signs of flame of which light up the night of the horrors of the dictatorship. Realizing it is the greatest constructive task. We will solve it when we combine the vigor of the old movement with the wealth of our experiences and knowledge, when we are radically against the old and constructively in the new. "

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The celebration of the revolution was made effective through music and recitations. Dr. Friedrich Behrendwho has already made many new friends in London through his artistic skills, once again found the hearts of his listeners with his piano lectures. Dora Segall brought well-chosen recitations and lectures to the lecture full of emotions and rousing. Some freshly sung battle songs by the socialist youth group formed the end.

When the joint chant of the International concluded this memorable celebration of German Social Democrats in London in memory of the German Revolution, all participants parted in the awareness of the indissoluble bond in the great idea of ​​democratic socialism.

All foreign participants were housed with London party comrades in private quarters, and so there was ample opportunity to renew old friendships and to discuss in small groups all the moving questions of the present and the future of the German labor movement.


Sunday morning
was devoted exclusively to the debate.

Before starting their work, however, the conference joined in a warm ovation for the comrade Elisabeth Eisner, who celebrated her 75th birthday that day with her party comrades. comrade Julius Lederer, who also celebrated his 75th birthday this year, expressed the thanks of the two birthday children for the honor.

In the several hours of debate a large number of comrades took part. The lack of space prevents us from going into the debate in detail.

All the speakers in the discussion occupied themselves with the tasks ahead of us, and the will was unanimous to find, in comradely and objective cooperation, the ways and means that would bring social security and lasting peace to the German workers, the German people and Europe after the horrors of this war [ to] be able to give. - The chairman of the conference, Comrade Sander, was able to close the conference with the statement that this first joint conference of German Social Democrats in England was a promising beginning of permanent cooperation and new activities.

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The lot of the political refugees

has been heavily influenced in many cases by recent military and political events. So far, we have only received a few original reports. However, it can be assumed that among the several thousand refugees who were able to escape from France to Spain and Switzerland in time before Hitler's invasion of southern France are also several of our friends and comrades. It is not yet certain whether the members of the International Brigade - including some of our comrades - have already been set free in North Africa. It can be assumed, however, that the fate of these refugees will improve significantly through the intervention of the Americans.[2] - In addition to the approx. 200 political refugees who were handed over to the Nazis by the Vichy authorities in August, other political refugees were handed over to the German authorities shortly before Hitler's invasion on November 11th. A list with 24 names of those affected is in our hands. Our comrade Dr. Rudolf Breitscheid is located in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp near Oranienburg. The former Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg has recently been close by.[3]-

From the comrade Max Sievers any recent news is missing. The last reports from friends who saw him in southern Belgium are many months old. It seems certain that he suffered a stroke at the moment when he had to give his name and other personal details to a Nazi officer. He was carried away on a stretcher and no one heard anything more from him.

At the time of going to press we learned that our Gen. Franz Kuenstler[4], the long-standing Berlin member of the Reichstag and district chairman, died in Berlin at the age of 54. He was one of the most active comrades and was repeatedly sent to concentration camps by the Nazis. All fellow prisoners confirmed that nothing could shake Franz Kuenstler in his courageous and upright demeanor.

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V E R A N S T A L T U N G E N

in December 1942
at the Austrian Labor Club, 31, Broadhurst Gardens, N.W. 6th


Friday December 4th 7.30 p.m .: Lecture of the gene Rawitzki "What can we learn from English law and administration?" Guests welcome.


Friday December 18th 7.30 p.m .: Lecture on "Western Europe in the fight against Hitler". Speaker: Minister Pierre Krier[5] the Luxembourg government.



Union of German Socialist Organizations in Great Britain.

General meeting, Sunday, December 6th before 10 am, in the Austrian Labor Club, N.W.6

theme: "Possibilities and tasks of a socialist unity party".
Speaker: E. Ollenhauer


Preview:

Saturday, January 30th, 1943:Public rally
"Ten Years of Hitler - Dictatorship"

Local and other details will be communicated.



A Christmas party

with a colorful, informal program
should bring our comrades together for a few hours.

Saturday, December 26th, from 4 a.m.
social gathering in the new home of our Sudeten German comrades, 90, Fitz John's Avenue, London NW6.
The house can be reached in a few minutes from the following 3 underground stations:

Swiss Cottage, Finchley Road and
Hampstead (Morden-Edgware Line)

The speech holds comrade Wenzel Jaksch.

Contribution to expenses: sh 1 / -
(For this, however, coffee and Christmas biscuits,
Please bring cups and coffee spoons)

Musical entertainment, recitations, opportunities to dance.



Issued by the London Representative of the German Social
Democratic Party, 33, Fernside Avenue, London NW7.






Editorial notes


1 - Meant are inter alia. Hitler's speech on November 8, 1942 in Munich to "celebrate" the march on the Feldherrenhalle of 1923, Göring's speech on October 4 in Berlin and the Goebbels speech on October 18 in front of the Munich Feldherrenhalle.

2 - On November 7th and 8th, 1942, the Allied landings in Morocco and Algeria took place under the command of Eisenhower (Operation Torch).

3 - Kurt Schuschnigg (1897-1977), Austrian politician, founder and from 1930 leader of the Ostmärkische Sturmscharen, Austrian Federal Chancellor 1934-1938, 1941-1945 in a concentration camp.

4 - Franz Künstler (1888-1942), 1920-1933 MP, arrested from March 1933, later concentration camp. According to eyewitnesses, 12,000 people are said to have attended his funeral (September 16, 1942).

5 - Pierre Krier (1885 - 1947), socialist politician and trade unionist from Luxembourg, Minister of Labor and Social Affairs from 1937 (also in the government in exile in London).



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